Autism and Mercury - Deadly Immunity
by Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
(investigating the government cover-up of a mercury/autism scandal)
Summary
This is an investigation of a government cover-up of a mercury/autism scandal.
To ensure complete secrecy, a meeting was held at an isolated Methodist retreat center.
All of the scientific data under discussion (officials
repeatedly reminded the participants) was restricted... no photocopies
of documents, nor taking papers with them when they left.
In June 2000, a group of top government scientists and health officials
gathered for a meeting at the isolated Simpsonwood conference center in
Norcross, Georgia. Convened by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
the meeting was held at this Methodist retreat center, nestled in wooded
farmland next to the Chattahoochee River, to ensure complete secrecy.
The agency had issued no public announcement of the session -- only private
invitations to fifty-two attendees. There were high-level officials from
the CDC and the Food and Drug Administration, the top vaccine specialist
from the World Health Organization in Geneva and representatives of every
major vaccine manufacturer, including GlaxoSmithKline, Merck, Wyeth and
Aventis Pasteur. All of the scientific data under discussion, CDC officials
repeatedly reminded the participants, was strictly "embargoed."
There would be no making photocopies of documents, no taking papers with
them when they left.
The federal officials and industry representatives had assembled to
discuss a disturbing new study that raised alarming questions about the
safety of a host of common childhood vaccines administered to infants
and young children. According to a CDC epidemiologist named Tom Verstraeten,
who had analyzed the agency's massive database containing the medical
records of 100,000 children, a mercury-based preservative in the vaccines
-- thimerosal -- appeared to be responsible for a dramatic increase in
autism and a host of other neurological disorders among children. "I
was actually stunned by what I saw," Verstraeten told those assembled
at Simpsonwood, citing the staggering number of earlier studies that indicate
a link between thimerosal and speech delays, attention-deficit disorder,
hyperactivity and autism. Since 1991, when the CDC and the FDA had recommended
that three additional vaccines laced with the preservative be given to
extremely young infants -- in one case, within hours of birth -- the estimated
number of cases of autism had increased fifteenfold, from one in every
2,500 children to one in 166 children.
Even for scientists and doctors accustomed to confronting issues of
life and death, the findings were frightening. "You can play with
this all you want," Dr. Bill Weil, a consultant for the American
Academy of Pediatrics, told the group. The results "are statistically
significant." Dr. Richard Johnston, an immunologist and pediatrician
from the University of Colorado whose grandson had been born early on
the morning of the meeting's first day, was even more alarmed. "My
gut feeling?" he said. "Forgive this personal comment -- I do
not want my grandson to get a thimerosal-containing vaccine until we know
better what is going on."
But instead of taking immediate steps to alert the public and rid the
vaccine supply of thimerosal, the officials and executives at Simpsonwood
spent most of the next two days discussing how to cover up the damaging
data. According to transcripts obtained under the Freedom of Information
Act, many at the meeting were concerned about how the damaging revelations
about thimerosal would affect the vaccine industry's bottom line.
"We are in a bad position from the standpoint of defending any lawsuits,"
said Dr. Robert Brent, a pediatrician at the Alfred I. duPont Hospital
for Children in Delaware. "This will be a resource to our very busy
plaintiff attorneys in this country." Dr. Bob Chen, head of vaccine
safety for the CDC, expressed relief that "given the sensitivity
of the information, we have been able to keep it out of the hands of,
let's say, less responsible hands." Dr. John Clements, vaccines
adviser at the World Health Organization, declared flatly that the study
"should not have been done at all" and warned that the results
"will be taken by others and will be used in ways beyond the control
of this group. The research results have to be handled."
In fact, the government has proved to be far more adept at handling
the damage than at protecting children's health. The CDC paid the
Institute of Medicine to conduct a new study to whitewash the risks of
thimerosal, ordering researchers to "rule out" the chemical's
link to autism. It withheld Verstraeten's findings, even though they
had been slated for immediate publication, and told other scientists that
his original data had been "lost" and could not be replicated.
And to thwart the Freedom of Information Act, it handed its giant database
of vaccine records over to a private company, declaring it off-limits
to researchers. By the time Verstraeten finally published his study in
2003, he had gone to work for GlaxoSmithKline and reworked his data to
bury the link between thimerosal and autism.
Vaccine manufacturers had already begun to phase thimerosal out of injections
given to American infants -- but they continued to sell off their mercury-based
supplies of vaccines until last year. The CDC and FDA gave them a hand,
buying up the tainted vaccines for export to developing countries and
allowing drug companies to continue using the preservative in some American
vaccines -- including several pediatric flu shots as well as tetanus boosters
routinely given to eleven-year-olds.
The drug companies are also getting help from powerful lawmakers in
Washington. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, who has received $873,000
in contributions from the pharmaceutical industry, has been working to
immunize vaccine makers from liability in 4,200 lawsuits that have been
filed by the parents of injured children. On five separate occasions,
Frist has tried to seal all of the government's vaccine-related documents
-- including the Simpsonwood transcripts -- and shield Eli Lilly, the
developer of thimerosal, from subpoenas. In 2002, the day after Frist
quietly slipped a rider known as the "Eli Lilly Protection Act"
into a homeland security bill, the company contributed $10,000 to his
campaign and bought 5,000 copies of his book on bioterrorism. The measure
was repealed by Congress in 2003 -- but earlier this year, Frist slipped
another provision into an anti-terrorism bill that would deny compensation
to children suffering from vaccine-related brain disorders. "The
lawsuits are of such magnitude that they could put vaccine producers out
of business and limit our capacity to deal with a biological attack by
terrorists," says Andy Olsen, a legislative assistant to Frist.
Even many conservatives are shocked by the government's effort to
cover up the dangers of thimerosal. Rep. Dan Burton, a Republican from
Indiana, oversaw a three-year investigation of thimerosal after his grandson
was diagnosed with autism. "Thimerosal used as a preservative in
vaccines is directly related to the autism epidemic," his House Government
Reform Committee concluded in its final report. "This epidemic in
all probability may have been prevented or curtailed had the FDA not been
asleep at the switch regarding a lack of safety data regarding injected
thimerosal, a known neurotoxin." The FDA and other public-health
agencies failed to act, the committee added, out of "institutional
malfeasance for self protection" and "misplaced protectionism
of the pharmaceutical industry."
The story of how government health agencies colluded with Big Pharma
to hide the risks of thimerosal from the public is a chilling case study
of institutional arrogance, power and greed. I was drawn into the controversy
only reluctantly. As an attorney and environmentalist who has spent years
working on issues of mercury toxicity, I frequently met mothers of autistic
children who were absolutely convinced that their kids had been injured
by vaccines. Privately, I was skeptical. I doubted that autism could be
blamed on a single source, and I certainly understood the government's
need to reassure parents that vaccinations are safe; the eradication of
deadly childhood diseases depends on it. I tended to agree with skeptics
like Rep. Henry Waxman, a Democrat from California, who criticized his
colleagues on the House Government Reform Committee for leaping to conclusions
about autism and vaccinations. "Why should we scare people about
immunization," Waxman pointed out at one hearing, "until we
know the facts?"
It was only after reading the Simpsonwood transcripts, studying the
leading scientific research and talking with many of the nation's
preeminent authorities on mercury that I became convinced that the link
between thimerosal and the epidemic of childhood neurological disorders
is real. Five of my own children are members of the Thimerosal Generation
-- those born between 1989 and 2003 -- who received heavy doses of mercury
from vaccines. "The elementary grades are overwhelmed with children
who have symptoms of neurological or immune-system damage," Patti
White, a school nurse, told the House Government Reform Committee in 1999.
"Vaccines are supposed to be making us healthier; however, in twenty-five
years of nursing I have never seen so many damaged, sick kids. Something
very, very wrong is happening to our children." More than 500,000
kids currently suffer from autism, and pediatricians diagnose more than
40,000 new cases every year. The disease was unknown until 1943, when
it was identified and diagnosed among eleven children born in the months
after thimerosal was first added to baby vaccines in 1931.
Some skeptics dispute that the rise in autism is caused by thimerosal-tainted
vaccinations. They argue that the increase is a result of better diagnosis
-- a theory that seems questionable at best, given that most of the new
cases of autism are clustered within a single generation of children.
"If the epidemic is truly an artifact of poor diagnosis," scoffs
Dr. Boyd Haley, one of the world's authorities on mercury toxicity,
"then where are all the twenty-year-old autistics?" Other researchers
point out that Americans are exposed to a greater cumulative "load"
of mercury than ever before, from contaminated fish to dental fillings,
and suggest that thimerosal in vaccines may be only part of a much larger
problem. It's a concern that certainly deserves far more attention
than it has received -- but it overlooks the fact that the mercury concentrations
in vaccines dwarf other sources of exposure to our children.
What is most striking is the lengths to which many of the leading detectives
have gone to ignore -- and cover up -- the evidence against thimerosal.
From the very beginning, the scientific case against the mercury additive
has been overwhelming. The preservative, which is used to stem fungi and
bacterial growth in vaccines, contains ethylmercury, a potent neurotoxin.
Truckloads of studies have shown that mercury tends to accumulate in the
brains of primates and other animals after they are injected with vaccines
-- and that the developing brains of infants are particularly susceptible.
In 1977, a Russian study found that adults exposed to much lower concentrations
of ethylmercury than those given to American children still suffered brain
damage years later. Russia banned thimerosal from children's vaccines
twenty years ago, and Denmark, Austria, Japan, Great Britain and all the
Scandinavian countries have since followed suit.
"You couldn't even construct a study that shows thimerosal
is safe," says Haley, who heads the chemistry department at the University
of Kentucky. "It's just too darn toxic. If you inject thimerosal
into an animal, its brain will sicken. If you apply it to living tissue,
the cells die. If you put it in a petri dish, the culture dies. Knowing
these things, it would be shocking if one could inject it into an infant
without causing damage."
Internal documents reveal that Eli Lilly, which first developed thimerosal,
knew from the start that its product could cause damage -- and even death
-- in both animals and humans. In 1930, the company tested thimerosal
by administering it to twenty-two patients with terminal meningitis, all
of whom died within weeks of being injected -- a fact Lilly didn't
bother to report in its study declaring thimerosal safe. In 1935, researchers
at another vaccine manufacturer, Pittman-Moore, warned Lilly that its
claims about thimerosal's safety "did not check with ours."
Half the dogs Pittman injected with thimerosal-based vaccines became sick,
leading researchers there to declare the preservative "unsatisfactory
as a serum intended for use on dogs."
In the decades that followed, the evidence against thimerosal continued
to mount. During the Second World War, when the Department of Defense
used the preservative in vaccines on soldiers, it required Lilly to label
it "poison." In 1967, a study in Applied Microbiology found
that thimerosal killed mice when added to injected vaccines. Four years
later, Lilly's own studies discerned that thimerosal was "toxic
to tissue cells" in concentrations as low as one part per million
-- 100 times weaker than the concentration in a typical vaccine. Even
so, the company continued to promote thimerosal as "nontoxic"
and also incorporated it into topical disinfectants. In 1977, ten babies
at a Toronto hospital died when an antiseptic preserved with thimerosal
was dabbed onto their umbilical cords.
In 1982, the FDA proposed a ban on over-the-counter products that contained
thimerosal, and in 1991 the agency considered banning it from animal vaccines.
But tragically, that same year, the CDC recommended that infants be injected
with a series of mercury-laced vaccines. Newborns would be vaccinated
for hepatitis B within twenty-four hours of birth, and two-month-old infants
would be immunized for haemophilus influenzae B and diphtheria-tetanus-pertussis.
The drug industry knew the additional vaccines posed a danger. The same
year that the CDC approved the new vaccines, Dr. Maurice Hilleman, one
of the fathers of Merck's vaccine programs, warned the company that
six-month-olds who were administered the shots would suffer dangerous
exposure to mercury. He recommended that thimerosal be discontinued, "especially
when used on infants and children," noting that the industry knew
of nontoxic alternatives. "The best way to go," he added, "is
to switch to dispensing the actual vaccines without adding preservatives."
For Merck and other drug companies, however, the obstacle was money.
Thimerosal enables the pharmaceutical industry to package vaccines in
vials that contain multiple doses, which require additional protection
because they are more easily contaminated by multiple needle entries.
The larger vials cost half as much to produce as smaller, single-dose
vials, making it cheaper for international agencies to distribute them
to impoverished regions at risk of epidemics. Faced with this "cost
consideration," Merck ignored Hilleman's warnings, and government
officials continued to push more and more thimerosal-based vaccines for
children. Before 1989, American preschoolers received only three vaccinations
-- for polio, diphtheria-tetanus-pertussis and measles-mumps-rubella.
A decade later, thanks to federal recommendations, children were receiving
a total of twenty-two immunizations by the time they reached first grade.
As the number of vaccines increased, the rate of autism among children
exploded. During the 1990s, 40 million children were injected with thimerosal-based
vaccines, receiving unprecedented levels of mercury during a period critical
for brain development. Despite the well-documented dangers of thimerosal,
it appears that no one bothered to add up the cumulative dose of mercury
that children would receive from the mandated vaccines. "What took
the FDA so long to do the calculations?" Peter Patriarca, director
of viral products for the agency, asked in an e-mail to the CDC in 1999.
"Why didn't CDC and the advisory bodies do these calculations
when they rapidly expanded the childhood immunization schedule?"
But by that time, the damage was done. Infants who received all their
vaccines, plus boosters, by the age of six months were being injected
with levels of ethylmercury 187 times greater than the EPA's limit
for daily exposure to methylmercury, a related neurotoxin. Although the
vaccine industry insists that ethylmercury poses little danger because
it breaks down rapidly and is removed by the body, several studies --
including one published in April by the National Institutes of Health
-- suggest that ethylmercury is actually more toxic to developing brains
and stays in the brain longer than methylmercury.
Officials responsible for childhood immunizations insist that the additional
vaccines were necessary to protect infants from disease and that thimerosal
is still essential in developing nations, which, they often claim, cannot
afford the single-dose vials that don't require a preservative. Dr.
Paul Offit, one of CDC's top vaccine advisers, told me, "I think
if we really have an influenza pandemic -- and certainly we will in the
next twenty years, because we always do -- there's no way on God's
earth that we immunize 280 million people with single-dose vials. There
has to be multidose vials."
But while public-health officials may have been well-intentioned, many
of those on the CDC advisory committee who backed the additional vaccines
had close ties to the industry. Dr. Sam Katz, the committee's chair,
was a paid consultant for most of the major vaccine makers and shares
a patent on a measles vaccine with Merck, which also manufactures the
hepatitis B vaccine. Dr. Neal Halsey, another committee member, worked
as a researcher for the vaccine companies and received honoraria from
Abbott Labs for his research on the hepatitis B vaccine.
Indeed, in the tight circle of scientists who work on vaccines, such
conflicts of interest are common. Rep. Burton says that the CDC "routinely
allows scientists with blatant conflicts of interest to serve on intellectual
advisory committees that make recommendations on new vaccines," even
though they have "interests in the products and companies for which
they are supposed to be providing unbiased oversight." The House
Government Reform Committee discovered that four of the eight CDC advisers
who approved guidelines for a rotavirus vaccine laced with thimerosal
"had financial ties to the pharmaceutical companies that were developing
different versions of the vaccine."
Offit, who shares a patent on the vaccine, acknowledged to me that he
"would make money" if his vote to approve it eventually leads
to a marketable product. But he dismissed my suggestion that a scientist's
direct financial stake in CDC approval might bias his judgment. "It
provides no conflict for me," he insists. "I have simply been
informed by the process, not corrupted by it. When I sat around that table,
my sole intent was trying to make recommendations that best benefited
the children in this country. It's offensive to say that physicians and
public-health people are in the pocket of industry and thus are making
decisions that they know are unsafe for children. It's just not the way
it works."
Other vaccine scientists and regulators gave me similar assurances. Like
Offit, they view themselves as enlightened guardians of children's health,
proud of their "partnerships" with pharmaceutical companies,
immune to the seductions of personal profit, besieged by irrational activists
whose anti-vaccine campaigns are endangering children's health. They are
often resentful of questioning. "Science," says Offit, "is
best left to scientists."
Still, some government officials were alarmed by the apparent conflicts
of interest. In his e-mail to CDC administrators in 1999, Paul Patriarca
of the FDA blasted federal regulators for failing to adequately scrutinize
the danger posed by the added baby vaccines. "I'm not sure there
will be an easy way out of the potential perception that the FDA, CDC
and immunization-policy bodies may have been asleep at the switch re:
thimerosal until now," Patriarca wrote. The close ties between regulatory
officials and the pharmaceutical industry, he added, "will also raise
questions about various advisory bodies regarding aggressive recommendations
for use" of thimerosal in child vaccines.
If federal regulators and government scientists failed to grasp the potential
risks of thimerosal over the years, no one could claim ignorance after
the secret meeting at Simpsonwood. But rather than conduct more studies
to test the link to autism and other forms of brain damage, the CDC placed
politics over science. The agency turned its database on childhood vaccines
— which had been developed largely at taxpayer expense — over
to a private agency, America's Health Insurance Plans, ensuring that it
could not be used for additional research. It also instructed the Institute
of Medicine, an advisory organization that is part of the National Academy
of Sciences, to produce a study debunking the link between thimerosal
and brain disorders. The CDC "wants us to declare, well, that these
things are pretty safe," Dr. Marie McCormick, who chaired the IOM's
Immunization Safety Review Committee, told her fellow researchers when
they first met in January 2001. "We are not ever going to come down
that [autism] is a true side effect" of thimerosal exposure. According
to transcripts of the meeting, the committee's chief staffer, Kathleen
Stratton, predicted that the IOM would conclude that the evidence was
"inadequate to accept or reject a causal relation" between thimerosal
and autism. That, she added, was the result "Walt wants" —
a reference to Dr. Walter Orenstein, director of the National Immunization
Program for the CDC.
For those who had devoted their lives to promoting vaccination, the revelations
about thimerosal threatened to undermine everything they had worked for.
"We've got a dragon by the tail here," said Dr. Michael Kaback,
another committee member. "The more negative that [our] presentation
is, the less likely people are to use vaccination, immunization —
and we know what the results of that will be. We are kind of caught in
a trap. How we work our way out of the trap, I think is the charge."
Even in public, federal officials made it clear that their primary goal
in studying thimerosal was to dispel doubts about vaccines. "Four
current studies are taking place to rule out the proposed link between
autism and thimerosal," Dr. Gordon Douglas, then-director of strategic
planning for vaccine research at the National Institutes of Health, assured
a Princeton University gathering in May 2001. "In order to undo the
harmful effects of research claiming to link the [measles] vaccine to
an elevated risk of autism, we need to conduct and publicize additional
studies to assure parents of safety." Douglas formerly served as
president of vaccinations for Merck, where he ignored warnings about thimerosal's
risks.
In May of last year, the Institute of Medicine issued its final report.
Its conclusion: There is no proven link between autism and thimerosal
in vaccines. Rather than reviewing the large body of literature describing
the toxicity of thimerosal, the report relied on four disastrously flawed
epidemiological studies examining European countries, where children received
much smaller doses of thimerosal than American kids. It also cited a new
version of the Verstraeten study, published in the journal Pediatrics,
that had been reworked to reduce the link between thimerosal and autism.
The new study included children too young to have been diagnosed with
autism and overlooked others who showed signs of the disease. The IOM
declared the case closed and — in a startling position for a scientific
body — recommended that no further research be conducted.
The report may have satisfied the CDC, but it convinced no one. Rep.
David Weldon, a Republican physician from Florida who serves on the House
Government Reform Committee, attacked the Institute of Medicine, saying
it relied on a handful of studies that were "fatally flawed"
by "poor design" and failed to represent "all the available
scientific and medical research." CDC officials are not interested
in an honest search for the truth, Weldon told me, because "an association
between vaccines and autism would force them to admit that their policies
irreparably damaged thousands of children. Who would want to make that
conclusion about themselves?"
Under pressure from Congress, parents and a few of its own panel members,
the Institute of Medicine reluctantly convened a second panel to review
the findings of the first. In February, the new panel, composed of different
scientists, criticized the earlier panel for its lack of transparency
and urged the CDC to make its vaccine database available to the public.
So far, though, only two scientists have managed to gain access. Dr.
Mark Geier, president of the Genetics Center of America, and his son,
David, spent a year battling to obtain the medical records from the CDC.
Since August 2002, when members of Congress pressured the agency to turn
over the data, the Geiers have completed six studies that demonstrate
a powerful correlation between thimerosal and neurological damage in children.
One study, which compares the cumulative dose of mercury received by children
born between 1981 and 1985 with those born between 1990 and 1996, found
a "very significant relationship" between autism and vaccines.
Another study of educational performance found that kids who received
higher doses of thimerosal in vaccines were nearly three times as likely
to be diagnosed with autism and more than three times as likely to suffer
from speech disorders and mental retardation. Another soon-to-be-published
study shows that autism rates are in decline following the recent elimination
of thimerosal from most vaccines.
As the federal government worked to prevent scientists from studying
vaccines, others have stepped in to study the link to autism. In April,
reporter Dan Olmsted of UPI undertook one of the more interesting studies
himself. Searching for children who had not been exposed to mercury in
vaccines — the kind of population that scientists typically use as
a "control" in experiments — Olmsted scoured the Amish
of Lancaster County, Penn., who refuse to immunize their infants. Given
the national rate of autism, Olmsted calculated that there should be 130
autistics among the Amish. He found only four. One had been exposed to
high levels of mercury from a power plant. The other three — including
one child adopted from outside the Amish community — had received
their vaccines.
At the state level, many officials have also conducted in-depth reviews
of thimerosal. While the Institute of Medicine was busy whitewashing the
risks, the Iowa Legislature was carefully combing through all of the available
scientific and biological data. "After three years of review, I became
convinced there was sufficient credible research to show a link between
mercury and the increased incidences in autism," says state Sen.
Ken Veenstra, a Republican who oversaw the investigation. "The fact
that Iowa's 700 percent increase in autism began in the 1990s, right after
more and more vaccines were added to the children's vaccine schedules,
is solid evidence alone." Last year, Iowa became the first state
to ban mercury in vaccines, followed by California. Similar bans are now
under consideration in 32 other states.
But instead of following suit, the FDA continues to allow manufacturers
to include thimerosal in scores of over-the-counter medications as well
as steroids and injected collagen. Even more alarming, the government
continues to ship vaccines preserved with thimerosal to developing countries
— some of which are now experiencing a sudden explosion in autism
rates. In China, where the disease was virtually unknown prior to the
introduction of thimerosal by US drug manufacturers in 1999, news reports
indicate that there are now more than 1.8 million autistics. Although
reliable numbers are hard to come by, autistic disorders also appear to
be soaring in India, Argentina, Nicaragua and other developing countries
that are now using thimerosal-laced vaccines. The World Health Organization
continues to insist thimerosal is safe, but it promises to keep the possibility
that it is linked to neurological disorders "under review."
I devoted time to study this issue because I believe that this is a moral
crisis that must be addressed. If, as the evidence suggests, our public-health
authorities knowingly allowed the pharmaceutical industry to poison an
entire generation of American children, their actions arguably constitute
one of the biggest scandals in the annals of American medicine. "The
CDC is guilty of incompetence and gross negligence," says Mark Blaxill,
vice president of Safe Minds, a nonprofit organization concerned about
the role of mercury in medicines. "The damage caused by vaccine exposure
is massive. It's bigger than asbestos, bigger than tobacco, bigger than
anything you've ever seen." It's hard to calculate the damage to
our country — and to the international efforts to eradicate epidemic
diseases — if Third World nations come to believe that America's
most heralded foreign-aid initiative is poisoning their children. It's
not difficult to predict how this scenario will be interpreted by America's
enemies abroad. The scientists and researchers — many of them sincere,
even idealistic — who are participating in efforts to hide the science
on thimerosal claim that they are trying to advance the lofty goal of
protecting children in developing nations from disease pandemics. They
are badly misguided. Their failure to come clean on thimerosal will come
back horribly to haunt our country and the world's poorest populations.
Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is senior attorney for the Natural Resources Defense
Council, chief prosecuting attorney for Riverkeeper and president of Waterkeeper
Alliance. He is the co-author of "The Riverkeepers."
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