Dream and Lie of Louis Pasteur – Part 8

Miss Hume says that a Frenchman named Delafond in 1838 announced that small rod-like objects were to be found in the blood of animals having splenic fever or charbon, now called anthrax, and when Pasteur brought out his one specific germ for each kind of fermentation, Devaine suggested that these little ‘rods’ which he named bacteridia might be parasites and the cause of the splenic fever. However, his experiments were contradictory and it was not proven. Later in 1878 Koch made some studies in which he discovered a formation of spores among his “bacteridia”.

When Pasteur heard of this he declared:

“Anthrax is, therefore, the disease of the bacteridium, as trichinosis is the disease of the trichina, as itch is the disease of its special acarus.”

He claimed that the blood of an animal vaccinated with anthrax serum contained no other organisms but the bacteridia. As he considered these exclusively aerobic, the blood must be imputressible, because putrescence, he believed, was due solely to an anaerobic germ. (Later, when the Professors of the Turin Commission drew contrary conclusions from similar experiments, he charged that they had used sheep whose blood was “septic” as well as tainted with anthrax!)

He claimed that a mixture of aerobic germs, (the bacteridia) and anaerobic germs (of putrefaction) would “neutralize the virulence” of the bacillus anthracis and, if injected into animals, would protect them from infection.

In reality these two germs are only different developments or outgrowths of Bechamp’s microzymas, and should have much the same effect anywhere, namely that of scavengers of dead tissues or waste. Their action should be similar, and not counteractant to each other, as is indicated in Chapter Two.

Dr Colin, another member of the Academy, promptly challenged Pasteur’s statement on the grounds that anthrax was sometimes found in a virulent stage, yet devoid of the “bacteridia”.

In the next session (March 12, 1878) Dr Colin charged that Pasteur had suppressed two statements in the printed record that he had made on the floor during the prior session, i.e. “that the bacteridia of anthrax do not develop in the blood of healthy animals” and “that the bacteridia will not supply germs to the organisms,” which left Dr Colin’s criticism of these statements ‘in the air’, and, in addition, he charged that Pasteur had deliberately falsified the records of other criticisms Dr Colin had made; a nice charge to make against a ‘scientist’!

On April 30, 1878, Pasteur read before the Academy of Science a paper entitled The Theory of Germs and their Application to Medicine and Surgery 67, which also bore the names of Messrs Joubert and Chamberlain as co-authors. This was his first effort to sell the ‘germ theory’.

In this, among many false claims, was the statement that he had discovered “the fact that ferments are living beings”, giving no credit to Bechamp whatever.

This paper also claimed that an infinitesimal quantity of their last produced culture was capable of producing anthrax with all its symptoms; yet their first experiments with it were failures, as the cultures, when sowed, produced a small spherical germ that was not even virulent, instead of the typical anthrax rods expected!

This was probably a true mutation but was not so recognized, the authors apparently believing it due to an impurity getting into their cultures.

The London Times of August 8, 1881, about three years later, quotes Pasteur as saying before a sectional meeting of an international medical congress in session there:

“… in the study of micro-organisms there was an ever present source of error in the introduction of foreign germs, in spite of the precautions that might be taken against them. When the observer saw first one organism and afterwards a different one, he was prone to conclude that the first organism had undergone a change. Yet this might be a pure illusion … the transformation of a bacillus anthracis into a micrococcus did not exist.”

Note that he said this 21 years after Miss Nightingale made her famous statement that any germ could turn into another, as quoted on page five.

And when their own experiments failed to bear out their claims that their culture would produce anthrax or any of its symptoms, and the germs that were produced had no resemblance to the anthrax germ, either in appearance or virulence, why should others believe that they could prevent anthrax by any such “culture”?

But Paul de Kruif, in Microbe Hunters, a glorification of many famous pioneer serum faddists, paints a most astonishing picture of Pasteur’s work on anthrax, and gives many startling details regarding the facts of the matter.

After describing the silk worm failure, he says:

“But one of Pasteur’s most charming traits was his characteristic of a scientific Phoenix, who rose triumphantly from the ashes of his own mistakes … so it is not surprising to find him, with Reux and Chamberlain, in 1881 discovering a very pretty way of taming vicious anthrax microbes and turning them into a vaccine.”

He describes Pasteur’s demonstration of his anthrax vaccine at Pouilly-le-Fort, in May and June of that year in great detail, including the elaborate preparations, and he dwells on the fact that this experiment was framed by his enemies to destroy him, and that Pasteur realized that he was cornered, that he must succeed or else abandon his work on germs.

It seems to me that we have now seen too many cases of deceitfulness, prevarication and deliberate fraud on Pasteur’s part to place much confidence in his good faith under such conditions, and in fact one is justified in looking with suspicion on this experiment. Here were 48 sheep – 24 supposed to be vaccinated, lived, while 24 not vaccinated, died. In such a number the treatment might be differentiated quite easily. He could have injected the unvaccinated sheep with a slow poison and he might have used pure sterile water, or a syringe with a perforated piston, in a pretended injection of the vaccinated sheep! And his assistants might have believed such a trick harmless and justifiable! Or it might have been concealed from them!

This ‘miracle’, as de Kruif describes it, seems to be the only success in a long series of failures; the one result that gives the only real support to Pasteur’s claims. After all the double-dealing and fraud that we have proven elsewhere, are we not entitled to be sceptical of this? Does not his past conduct suggest that he could have been loading the dice? And he does not seem to have been able to repeat the success elsewhere!

De Kruif says of this fact (p.165):

“Gradually, hardly a year after the miracle of Pouilly-le-Fort, it began to be evident that Pasteur, though a most original microbe hunter, was not an infallible god. Disturbing letters began to pile up on his desk; complaints from Montpotheir and a dozen towns of France, and from Packisch and Kapuvar in Hungary. Sheep were dying from anthrax – not natural anthrax they had picked up in dangerous fields, but anthrax they had got from those vaccines that were meant to save them! From other places came sinister stories of how the vaccines had failed to work – the vaccine had been paid for, whole flocks of sheep had been injected, the farmers had gone to bed breathing ‘Thank God for our great man Pasteur’, only to wake up in the morning to find their fields littered with the carcasses of dead sheep, and these sheep – which ought to have been immune – had died from the lurking anthrax spores that lay in their fields.

Pasteur began to hate opening his letters, he wanted to stop his ears against snickers that sounded from around corners, and then – the worst thing that could possibly happen – came a cold, terribly exact, scientific report from the laboratory of that nasty little German Koch in Berlin, and this report ripped the practicalness of the anthrax vaccine to tatters. Pasteur knew that Koch was the most accurate microbe hunter in the world!

There is no doubt that Pasteur lost some sleep from this aftermath of his glorious discovery, but God rest him, he was a gallant man. It was not in him to admit, either to the public or to himself, that his sweeping claims were wrong …

What a searcher this Pasteur was, and yet how little of that fine selfless candour of Socrates or Rabelais is to be found in him. But he is not in any way to be blamed for that, for while Socrates and Rabelais were only looking for truth, Pasteur’s work carried him more and more into the frantic business of saving lives, and in this matter, truth is not of the first importance.

In 1882, while his desk was loaded with reports of disasters, Pasteur went to Geneva, and there before the cream of disease-fighters of the world, he gave a thrilling speech, with the subject: How to guard living creatures from virulent maladies by injecting them with weakened microbes.”

And according to de Kruif, Koch made a devastating attack upon Pasteur’s statements in a paper published shortly after this, in which he charged that practically all of Pasteur’s claims for his anthrax vaccine were false, that his vaccines were not pure, that he had concealed the bad results that had followed the wholesale use of the vaccines, and he closed with:

“Such goings-on are perhaps suitable for the advertising of a business house, but science should reject them vigorously.” (p.168)

De Kruif adds:

“Then Pasteur went through the roof and answered Koch’s cool facts in an amazing paper with arguments that would not have fooled the jury of a country debating society.”

How can de Kruif so praise a man, and describe the ‘miracle of Pouilly-le-Fort’ as “amazing as any of the marvels wrought by the Man of Galilee”, after giving such devastating evidence that his work was a failure, his ideas false, and the man himself deliberately dishonest, making false claims and concealing the extent of his failures?

In 1881 the Sanitary Commission of the Hungarian Government said of the vaccine viruses used in the anti-anthrax inoculation:

“The worst diseases, pneumonia, catarrhal fever, etc., have exclusively struck down the animals subjected to injection. It follows from this that the Pasteur inoculation tends to accelerate the action of certain latent diseases and to hasten the mortal issue of other grave affections.”

Plainly it failed in their tests also, and the Hungarian Government forbade its use in that country.

It was not long before his vaccine was proven a failure elsewhere as well. In March 1882, a commission composed of members of the faculty of the University of Turin, Italy, undertook to conduct tests regarding the value of this anthrax prophylactic. A sheep having died of anthrax, after the learned professors had vaccinated some other sheep with Pasteur’s cultures, they inoculated both these vaccinated sheep and some unvaccinated sheep with the blood of the dead sheep. All of the sheep, both vaccinated and unvaccinated, subsequently died, proving the vaccine utterly worthless.

After about a year of dispute and passing the buck by correspondence, the Turin professors published a pamphlet in June 1883, containing some of Pasteur’s contradictory statements together with their cutting criticisms thereof, under the title Of the Scientific Dogmatism of the Illustrious Professor Pasteur, which was signed by six professors of high standing. This, by citing contradictory statements Pasteur had made in different papers, along with their comments, just about destroyed his theories on anthrax.

This paper was translated into French, but Pasteur, with some adroit dissimulation, managed to survive the blow, and went on pushing his anthrax vaccine.

He soon had bacteriological institutes for experiments and the production and sale of his various serums and vaccines established in many parts of the world, the one in Paris being probably the first.

In 1888 an institute in Odessa, Russia, sent some anti-anthrax vaccines to Kachowka in southern Russia, where 4,564 sheep were soon vaccinated, and 3,696 of them promptly turned up their toes and died; a death rate of 81 percent, and from a supposed ‘preventative’ vaccine at that!

Dr Lutaud says in Etudes sur la Rage (p.419) that Pasteur was compelled to compensate many owners in France for animals killed by his vaccines.


Mr C. M. Higgins, of drawing ink fame, of Brooklyn, N.Y., some years ago wrote a book entitled Horrors of Vaccination in which he drew attention to the fact that official publications of the United States Government ascribed several epidemics of foot and mouth disease in this country directly to the use of vaccines or serums; especially those of 1902, 1908, and 1915.

The Chief of the Bureau of Animal Industry of the US. Department of Agriculture says in his report for 1902 (page 394):

“Most veterinary text books state that foot and mouth disease is a mild infection and that only 1 or 2 percent of the animals attacked die from it, the reader being left to infer that the losses do not exceed 2 or 3 percent of the value of the animals. Such a conclusion would be a grave mistake.”

However, it seems to have been mild before its cause was traced to vaccines. The Secretary of Agriculture says in the department Year Book for 1914, page 20:

“There were outbreaks of foot and mouth disease in this country in 1870, 1880, 1884, 1902, and 1908. Since the close of the fiscal year 1914, the sixth outbreak has occurred. The first three, those of 1870, 1880 and 1884 were comparatively trifling. Those in 1902 and 1908 were more grave. The present one is the most serious and extensive of all.

In 1902 the outbreaks occurred in the New England States. In 1908 it originated in Detroit. The origin of each of these new outbreaks was traced to the importation of vaccine virus for the propagation of vaccine for use in vaccinating people against smallpox. The vaccine was imported from Japan where the foot and mouth disease exists. Each of these outbreaks was stamped out by methods which have proved most effective in preventing the disease from gaining a footing. These methods involved the killing of all infected and exposed animals, the burying of the carcasses, and the thorough disinfection of all premises with which the animals may have come in contact.”

The first part of the 1914 outbreak was ascribed to “an imported article used in tanning” (hides?) but when this was stamped out, a recurrence occurred near Chicago, in August 1915, that was traced to a Chicago laboratory making hog-cholera vaccines. Foot and mouth disease was found in 8 of 11 herds that had used this vaccine.

The Secretary of Agriculture says of this in the 1915 Year Book (p. 27):

“It seems certain that this infection was produced by contaminated hog-cholera serum prepared in Chicago, in October 1914, at an establishment where the disease had not been known to exist at any time.

… pending investigation, all shipments of serum from Chicago were prohibited. It was found that some of the product of the establishment had been used on 11 herds of hogs.

… a few infected hogs were found in eight of the herds and all 11 herds were slaughtered at once.”

Although they had found the disease in 8 herds on which the vaccine had been used, they decided to ‘test’ the serum, and what a test!

They knew, or were very sure, that the vaccine had given the hogs the foot and mouth disease, yet the first four tests on a total of 52 animals were all negative, but they had plenty of perseverance, and in the fifth ‘test’ and on the 62nd animal tested, they found foot and mouth disease!

If it took ‘tests’ on 62 animals to obtain proof that a vaccine that had already caused the disease could do so again, how can anyone know that it would not take two or three or more times 62 ‘tests’ any other time, assuming, of course, that these are tests, which, again, I don’t believe!

And after such a failure, how can any doctor or veterinarian consider any tests, such as the Schick, Dick, Tuberculin, Wasserman, etc., of any value whatsoever?

With all the evidence we have given that germs can change their characteristics, from Miss Nightingale and Professor Bechamp, to Lohnis, Rosenow and others, how can anyone expect a germ to remain constant through any ‘test’ or remain true to its original characteristics after being ‘tested’?

The Secretary of Agriculture says of these so-called ‘tests’ – on the same page:

“This is regarded as proof that the suspected serum actually was infected. Why the standard test used on 61 of the animals failed to reveal this fact is a matter for scientific investigation, and the bacteriologists of the department are at work on the problem. At the time of manufacture one half of one percent of carbolic acid was mixed with the serum as a preservative. It is now believed that the acid, acting as a germicide, may have attenuated or partially destroyed the virus so that tests previously considered safe failed to establish the presence of the infection.”

If they had no better luck than Pasteur had with his anthrax tests, it will be a long time before they find out very much!

As the average serum is only some toxic decomposing proteins, and some germs that are really reworkers of dead tissues or waste, but which the doctors believe to be the cause of the dead tissues they are found with, the germs are very apt to change their characteristics as the toxins break up, just as they have repeatedly been shown to do elsewhere in nature.

Consequently, many serums would not remain constant through 61 tests, nor would anyone who sells serums to the public be likely to make 62 tests before telling their customers that it was pure serum!

Even after it is ‘tested’ it may change in storage, and how do they know when they have the right germ in the serum anyway, as the best authorities admit that some germs, such as the smallpox germ, have not been isolated?

The Secretary of Agriculture says (of the hoof and mouth disease) on page 29 of the same volume:

“Up to the present time the germ has not been identified, although the scientists of Europe have studied the disease exhaustively for years.”

They killed 168,158 animals valued at about $5,676,000 to suppress the 1914-15 epidemic.

Circular No. 325 of the Agricultural Department says:

“Immunization in the 1914 outbreak was out of the question, as the only serum thus far produced gives but a passing immunity of only a few weeks duration, unstable at best.”

Mr Higgins pointed out that the disease is more prevalent in countries that have compulsory vaccination than in others.

The U.S. Dept. of Agriculture quotes Dr Loeffler, head of the department handling the trouble in Germany, as saying before the 7th International Congress of Veterinary Surgeons at Baden Baden in 1899:

“Foot and mouth disease is spreading more and more every year and every year it costs the German Empire enormous sums. Necessary measures have been taken with the greatest care; suspected grounds have been closely quarantined; this measure had been extended to whole communities and even to entire districts; disinfection had been carefully carried out; and notwithstanding all this, the disease kept spreading.”

The Foot and Mouth Disease Commission of the U.S. Department of Agriculture published a chart73 showing the trend of foot and mouth disease in Germany from 1886 to 1924, which is reproduced on the opposite page.

Note the tremendous increase in deaths that accompanied the first general use of serums in 1920!

The U.S. Department’s Farmers Bulletin No. 666 says:

“Foot and mouth disease has prevailed in Europe for a great many years and has occasioned tremendous economic losses there.

In Italy, France, Switzerland, Germany and Russia the plague has existed so long and has gained such a foothold that it is economically impossible to fight it with the American methods of slaughter and disinfection.”

In Germany in 1911, 3,366,369 cattle, 1,602,927 sheep, 2,555,371 hogs and 53,674 goats were affected, or 7,578,371 animals of a total number of about 51,319,000 farm animals in the country at that time. As the chart indicates that about 247,000 farms were affected that year, this would give about 30.6 animals per farm. If the 1920 figures of 746,571 farms affected averaged the same, it would run to nearly 23,000,000 animals, close to half the number of animals in Germany! They used serums this year also, which probably helped spread it.

The same bulletin quotes one scientist as saying:

“… that unless all the affected farms were absolutely isolated and the movement not only of live stock but of persons absolutely prohibited, the disease could not be stamped out. Such a quarantine is of course utterly impossible to enforce.”

Italy, France, Germany and Switzerland have compulsory vaccination, hence large vaccine plants that can spread the disease, as occurred in the cases cited in the United States.

And of course neighbouring states with or without compulsory vaccination would be overrun by importation from these countries, though some, such as England, kept it out pretty well.

Other places where vaccination is pushed, such as Brazil in South America, also have the disease, while Canada, the United States, Mexico, Australia and New Zealand, all of which are comparatively free from intensive vaccination drives, also seem to have only sporadic attacks of foot and mouth disease, which are generally easily stamped out.

How can the ‘scientists’ account for this?


According to Farmers Bulletin No. 449 of the U.S. Agricultural Department, no one can catch rabies from an animal that bites them unless the animal has the disease. Furthermore, less than 15% of those bitten by a rabid dog and not treated will generally contract the disease. This is very different from the hullaballoo generally raised by the self-styled ‘regular’ doctors, and especially by health officers, over every dog bite they hear of. In an official publication such as the Farmers’ Bulletin, this is quite an admission; unofficial and anti-vivisection sources of information generally place the percentage much closer to zero.

Bulletin No. 65 of the U.S. Hygienic Laboratory at Washington also admits that those who die after treatment die earlier than untreated cases! It says:

“Treatment. Nitsch has pointed out that in a large series of cases the deaths in spite of the Pasteur treatment occurred on average earlier than in untreated persons (64.5 to 90 days).

There is some reason to believe that the rabies virus as it occurs in nature varies much in virulence, and that this is in some way related to the geographic distribution.” (p.21)

To anyone who read Chapter 7 it will be evident that (assuming it has value), one should not use a serum from a distant location if this is true, as the possibility of ‘agglutination’ would be very small where there were such variations. And to this they add:

“Inoculation with spinal fluid obtained during life is wholly unreliable as it usually fails even in true cases of rabies.” (p.36)

The New York Anti-Vivisection Society has published several pamphlets from which the following information is taken.

They state that rabies is a very rare disease except where dogs have been injected with rabies serum, in which case it very often develops.

According to their views, a dog unable to find green grass to eat in winter is very apt to develop worms or maggots, or both, in the intestines, often perforating them, and driving the dog frantic. In this condition the dog will bite at everything blindly, foam at the mouth, and run amuck generally, refusing water and seeking solitude.

Hay, grass, hide or bones fed to the dogs will cause the irritable conditions to disappear.

There are no real grounds for supposing that madness, as found in humans, occurs in dogs, nor can it be proved that the bite from a distracted animal can produce madness in anyone bitten. Further, so-called rabies can be shown to be the direct result of serum injections.

Competent authorities claim that in so-called ‘real’ rabies, a dog never foams at the mouth, but has a small amount of brownish stringy discharge hanging from the lips, and the eyes have a fiery glare.

In epilepsy, the dog trembles, his jaws champ violently and his voluntary muscles are powerfully convulsed; there is a copious discharge of white frothy saliva; he utters sharp cries and when recovering from the fit, the eyes are dull and stupid. This might be due to fright, or heat in summer.

They quote doctors of unquestionable authority as saying that no rabic germ has been found; and that finding so-called Negri bodies is no proof that the dog has rabies; as “they are found when all symptoms are absent and when all are present, so the diagnosis of rabies is pure guesswork”, according to J.A. McLaughlin, D.V.S.

Even by A.M.A. standards no successful serum can be made without the right germ, so this might account for the large number of deaths that follow the Pasteur treatment.

Some doctors say the bite of a rabid dog is absolutely harmless to man. C. W. Dulles, M.D., a famous authority on dog diseases and hydrophobia who looked up the records in many cities, says over a million dogs and cats were handled by dog catchers in 14 years, with many thousands of bites, but no treatment – and not a single case of hydrophobia appeared in these cases.

He and other doctors had posted for years standing offers of $100.00 to $1,000.00 for a genuine case of dog hydrophobia and had no claimants, though thousands of dogs were being killed yearly because of scares; one place claiming that 92% of those killed in one year had hydrophobia!

These doctors say chaining or muzzling a dog that has always been free is apt to cause the very irritability we want to avoid.


In man, they say the death rate in France in cases of so-called rabies is 19 per 100 – the highest in the civilized world – and the same as before the Pasteur Institute was established, and cases of hydrophobia have enormously increased, while just across the Rhine in Germany, hydrophobia is almost unknown.

The year before Pasteur started his treatments there were four deaths from hydrophobia in Paris, the year after there were 22! Not only France as a whole, but each department of France, and in fact every country that has allowed the Pasteur ‘treatment’ to be introduced, have all shown a sharp increase in the number of deaths from hydrophobia after such introduction!

In England there were several Pasteur Institutes doing a thriving business prior to 1902, when a commission was appointed to investigate rabies and the serum treatment, and the Institutes were abolished. They have had no hydrophobia since.

They claim that over 3,000 people died in England before 1902 after being bitten by dogs and then taking the Pasteur treatment, while more recently the London Hospital treated 2,668 persons bitten by dogs without using the Pasteur treatment, and none of them developed hydrophobia!

While these are not complete figures for England, there are nearly 6,000 cases of dog bite treated in institutions; and of these only those who had taken the Pasteur treatment died. Why not try something different?

And there has never been a case of hydrophobia in Norway, Sweden, Iceland, Denmark, Holland, Belgium, New Zealand and Australia, because those countries will not tolerate a Pasteur Institute within their borders.

They say the Pasteur treatment is very often the cause of rabies, is always dangerous, sometimes even murderous, and is never beneficial.

J. W. Dodson, M.D., of Brockport, N.Y., wrote years ago:

“If people would only think for themselves and not blindly follow the agitator or grafter we would soon be relieved of this pest, rabies.”

For a safe, sane and logical treatment that has saved patients with rabies for over 100 years, we would recommend the Buisson Bath, a hot vapor or steam bath that is fully described in Drugless Cures by this author.


As the so-called tuberculin test has been rather fully discussed in the pamphlet The Tuberculin Test a Fraud, and in Chapter 7 of this volume, it seems hardly necessary to say more on this subject here.

Needless to say, it is as big a fraud as a ‘test’ on animals as it was as a ‘cure’ for humans, and there is a great deal of substantial evidence that the testing vaccine (or its needle) causes tuberculosis in cows and other animals, as it did in the human subjects used in Koch’s experiments.

It should be absolutely forbidden, and those who use it should be barred from practice.

Author: R. B. Pearson